the domination of communism in the world

Taking over and consolidating power

Communists associated in the Bolsheviks' fraction of the Russian Social Democratic Workers'
Party (founded in 1898) gained power in Russia as a result of an armed coup d'├ętat carried out
on 24/25 October (according to the Julian calendar in force in Russia), in fact on 6/7
November.

In 1917, the October Revolution was the next in a series of political upheavals that swept
through the Russian Empire, entangled in World War I and immersed in ever-increasing
chaos. The previous revolution, which took place in February of the same year, led to the
detonation of an almost absolutist tsar and the transformation of Russia into a republic headed
by a socialist and cadet-based Interim Government. Marxist-revolutionary Bolsheviks leader
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, alias Lenin, used by German intelligence as a factor to exclude
Russia from the war, skilfully exploited the dissatisfaction and growing apathy of Russian
society and conflicts among his political rivals. By spreading populist pacifist slogans and
announcing radical social and economic reforms, he created his group as the only real force
capable of transforming feudal Russia into the world's first progressive state with a proletariat
dictatorship. In fact, it had a much larger and more complex goal. Knowing Marx and Engels'
theories very well, he realized that the proletarian revolution could have led to the collapse of
the capitalist system only through triumph in the highly developed and urbanized countries of
Western Europe. Russia, which was developing rapidly in the run-up to the Great War,
although rapidly assimilating the rules of the capitalist system, still remained primarily an
agricultural country, with few workers being the natural targets of the communist ideology. In
his opinion, Russia was therefore only the first stage of the global revolution, which was to
destroy the classes exploiting the proletariat, abolish national borders and introduce a system
of equality and community throughout the world, as predicted by Marx and Engels.

Thus, in the footsteps of Lenin, the Bolsheviks were quite flexible in their approach to the
formulated political and economic agenda, skilfully adapting it to the prevailing situation and
social moods. A perfect confirmation of this can be the fact that after taking power they did
not undertake to implement their own agrarian program, assuming nationalization of the land,
which they promised. They decided to socialize it, what they actually did on the agenda of
their socialist political opponents. The same was true of the second of the most important
decrees they decided to introduce, the Peace Decree, which, although had no legislative
power, guaranteed all nations the right to self-determination, and which was sealed by the de
facto disintegration of the multinational Russian empire. In the eyes of Marxist communists,
who rejected nationalism as a matter of principle, such action may have been
incomprehensible and even contrary to the ideas of the proletarian revolution, but it had its
own real purpose. It was to keep power at all costs, even temporarily, away from the doctrines
of the represented idea, in order to gain time to gather the forces necessary to liquidate
political opponents.

This is evidenced by the way in which the Bolsheviks treated the All-Russian Legislative
Assembly, which was to determine the shape of the future post-revolutionary regime of
Russia following its election in November 1917. The Bolsheviks, explaining the reasons for
the coup d'├ętat, claimed that it had been carried out in order to guarantee that the elections that
were supposed to be held were to be held under threat. However, when it turned out that they
had won only 25% of the vote, they did not retreat from the dissolution of the Assembly and
depriving it of any decision-making influence over the system which they intended to shape
themselves. The situation was similar with the slogans of freedom and freedom under which
they carried out their activities, while one of the first decisions of the Council of People's
Commissioners - the new "workers' and peasant transitional government" - was the
introduction of censorship abolished in February 1917, and the establishment of a security
office - the so-called Cheque.

When the Bolsheviks established power and the demoralized Russian army was replaced by
the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, the game of appearances came to an end and the
Communists fully presented their face to Russia.